The enigmatic Bhutanese voter

An everyday Bhutanese is for the most part simple and does not require codified language or tact to be demystified or clearly understood. That’s generally speaking, about a person’s daily routines, his or her liking and to a certain extent whether the person is a true Manchester fan or a Chelsea loyalist.

Enter the elections and with it the empowering vote which translates to ‘empowered individual citizens with the power of one single and effective vote’.

With this new introduction every average Sonam, Dorji or Dema now dons the mantle of the mysterious voter wielding the power to bring people to power, bring in new leaders and government and likewise take out the old leaders and government. The ground rules are pretty simple, here.

What is not simple is the voters themselves, ordinary as citizens and least-bothered by nosy politicians but now as the extraordinary member of respective electorate put on a pedestal in different constituencies by these politicians; they are hard to figure in their election-empowered avatars.

In 2008 this collection of voters nested in high hills, trotting in the valleys, and randomly posted and displaced in the country’s numerous pockets brought down the supposedly titanic party of that time, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and gave power so generously to the-then meekly portrayed Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) who in all earnest went around the country harping on the need to have a healthy opposition in a democratic system.

The ‘colossal DPT’ that it became after sweeping 45 out of 47 constituencies, it never aimed to explosively make a touchdown as the ruling government bestowed with absolute majority by the very confusing voters who cannot be predicted until the final hours of winding up the process and results.

This year, the five parties of two old players and two new ones so far have been witnessed to playing every possible angle of political devices to please, satisfy and keep enchanted the voters. And in the case of DPT and the PDP it would be so that they are not shocked by voters with unforeseen ‘surprises’.

The DPT and its President have tagged onto the ‘in-the-long-run and for the long haul’ speech whereby the party president is personified as ‘leader-irreplaceable’, one whose qualities remains far outmatched by any candidate or party leaders, to represent Bhutan in the outside world, to negotiate fair-deals for the country’s welfare. The list also mentions what was achieved by the party when in power how it stuck to keeping promises pledged during campaign 2008.

The former Opposition Party and the new parties have all the arsenal at their disposal to poke holes in every debate, common forum or campaign speeches to the common electorate to sweep the tide against the former ruling party.

This, might very well have worked as rejoinders timed to strike with laser-precision against the contesting candidates at public forums, but it also has backfired in a way that some of the common forums have witnessed very poor attendance or none at all.

This as reported locally by media reflected badly on the voters who felt that as people in rural settings who have nothing more important to do than attend to their fields, felt that they gave up time to witness people from urban areas slinging accusations and digging faults of one another. The bare truth of all these in the end turned out to be the partial or even complete unawareness of the village voters of what topic offended who, and who didn’t do what assignment or project properly.

In the campaign scene, certain parties over-simplified themselves and it seemed to have annoyed folks who thought that they were called to attend speeches about how familiarly downtrodden they are and that is why votes should blow in the direction that is as ‘simple’ as they are.

The opposition party campaigns seem to have all the potential to work out well with the voters in its many forms viz a vis civil servants for whom very pleasing and favorable outcomes were promised, farmers and the rural lot for whom occupationally pleasant conditions and infrastructure have been pledged and the women folk and youth for whom generously-compensating offers have been spelt out and announced in all boldness.

Apart from the politicians’ pledge to harness the best of security and sovereignty for a nation who ‘received democracy as a gift from the throne’ it would remain a well packaged and deeply-shrouded enigma as to which voter bought what and which party they will hail to power.

The article was published in a Wednesday edition of The Bhutanese newspaper on May 29, 2013

PDP is DNT-empowered, chagrined DPT not intimidated – its game on for Generals

Irrespective of the earlier name-callings and judgmental exchanges, seven DNT candidates including its President and Vice-President joined PDP

All this talk of morality of a party (Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa) that will let candidates hop to an inviting party in contrast to that of one party who will most definitely not let its candidates hop around and at the same time not stand to promote the whole ‘hopping phenomenon’ (Druk Phuensum Tshogpa) – it is a most carefully played and enacted course of action for all sides (the People’s Democratic Party being the third side who accepted the hopping candidates).

The parties need to play the statistics intelligently to turn around campaigning vehicles for positive outcomes, point them to the right avenues with the right persons behind the steering wheels (the replaced candidates who will supposedly alter the disappointing vote counts witnessed in constituencies during the Primaries).

In turn and very visibly, all roads in this game of strategy points to ‘Candidate-swapping’ – the general and core idea at play in the nation’s political sphere which very freshly witnessed the pros and cons of individual candidate’s and a party’s support-pool, the importance of party leaders who need do more than just promote the righteous path and go seek the raw essence of the playing field and up their charismatic-quotients to make a difference in the crucial end game (the results of the general elections).

And that is how parties, that of the two contesting in the General Elections – DPT and PDP are currently subjects of the very fierce battle of ethics.

The recent developments on this front witnessed open-fire exchanges of very big words like ‘lying to the nation,’ ‘constitutional violations’ and ‘morally-wrong actions’ (hinted directly at the act of candidates changing parties from DNT to PDP).

Most noticeably, the exchange took place between the DPT and DNT not PDP. 

The Nyamrup Tshogpa (DNT) owing to its chief characteristics of being the post-primary potential pool, of candidates who could replace weak links in either of the two general round-contesting parties; it figures that the party is placed at the center of things and at odds with the DPT.

The DPT who made bold statements earlier in media that candidates switching or ‘hopping’ to another party after primaries to join winning parties is not becoming of political bodies who in the first place stood for such noble agendas like upholding the nation’s constitution, promoting democratic values etc.

The former Lyonchhen PM Jigmi Y. Thinley and works and human settlement minister Yeshey Zimba repeatedly spoke about how such party-hopping candidates could be detrimental for a young democracy that seeks to promote ‘a vibrant democratic culture’, how seemingly the trust of people could fade in the system that is only started to germinate if the ‘hopping’ and ‘swapping’ phenomenon are left to prevail.

And so, the DPT established its stand on the issue. Fast forward to turn of events that are current and happening, the former party has spoken out of backlash to its previous claims on candidates switching parties. Good for it that it did not take the hypocritical path to go grabbing at potential DNT candidates with the PDP.

The move may not be in favor of DPT as it has veritably lost out dzongkhags and constituencies to its general elections opponent PDP (12 constituencies to be exact). It may need the presence of candidates whom the electorate identified better with and awarded more votes. 

For one DPT cannot afford to tarnish its integrity by resorting to such a nature of action because of its earlier stand on the process of inviting candidates from another party to up its game in select-constituencies.

Calling the DNT’s move to allow its candidates to hop to another party (PDP) a questionable behavior ethically and morally wrong, one that violated constitutional provisions was a feeble hand it played as a next best move.

The DNT reaction was absolute and swift when it called a press conference to call the DPT ‘lying to the nation’. Social Medias like Twitter were a hive of retorts from the Nyamrup (DNT) camps.

The DNT wrote online that if DPT did not back down from its hostile stand, it would provide evidence of DPT candidates involved inviting DNT candidates into their party.

According to online exchanges of tweets on the DNT profile, the party has in its possession SMS (Short Message Service) evidence on former information and communications (MoIC) minister Nandalal Rai and former education minister Thakur S. Powdyel who were allegedly and subtly involved to invite DNT candidates into the DPT.

Of course such evidence even if it comes to light would only call the senior ministers’ bluff on the ‘honest’ bandwagon but would not actually inflict legally damaging charges to criminalize an entity as law allows the candidates to switch or hop to another party given that they fulfill a few criteria.

The Election act, article 209(c) states that a person shall be deemed duly nominated to contest an election to the national assembly, by a registered political party if it is a member of a registered political party which could not qualify for the general election but is admitted by a political party to contest in the general election. However membership in the original party shall be forfeited.

However, online comments also attacked DNT, holding onto the words of its spokesperson Norbu Wangchuk who said on BBS TV that DNT would never join any party if they lose.

The political allegations are now officially in motion and it will hopefully not get any dirtier for the good of long-term democratic foundation of this nation repeatedly accounted for by many discerning voices as small, landlocked and too fragile to take on the mantle of political upheavals much too damaging at this stage of its evolution.

The article was published in a Wednesday edition of The Bhutanese newspaper on June 12, 2013

Politics, not Conflicts for 2013, PM

In 2008 the Bhutanese society in many places divided into two groups, two factions, and two sections in support of two parties who contested the country’s first democratically held elections. This year, for the 2013 elections, there are five contesting parties, which means the nation may experience the same events, only that everything will be ‘times five’. 

The fraction created by the two contesting parties in the 2008 elections would be multiplied by 5 in the upcoming elections as events build up to it with all the sound and fury of political familiarizations and campaigns which will not be entirely free of ‘mudslinging’ and ‘smear campaigns’. They may be through subtle mode of transmitted word-of-mouth or through bold announcements during publicly delivered speeches in the constituencies.

Bhutan as is apparent and also very oft repeated by many is a small country. And in that, it constitutes very small groups of people spread across the nation’s hilly terrains and valleys to form the small Bhutanese society.

Given the ‘tight-knit’ connection that arises out of the ‘default settings’, it does keep men, women children in various communities together in thought and sentiments as one - oneness among neighbors, communities and eventually as citizens of this landlocked Himalayan nation.

The very relief and nature of the land will also at the same time prove advantageous to politicize ideas and messages into the minds of the remotely situated citizenry and even those located closer to urban centers and developmental hubs.

It would prove to be very much of a sordid state of affairs for this small nation, if people should strongly incline to five different ideologies, mission and vision to ultimately remain damagingly separated as five different sects of one country which as a whole is better off to stay one small country, but one that is a united one.

During one of the 'Meet the Press' conferences the Prime Minister Lyonchhen Jigmi Y. Thinley responded to media queries on the much probable whiplash of democratic nitty-gritty.

In all this, said the Lyonchhen, the media would be able to play a role to differentiate what is ‘sid’ (politics) and what is ‘si’ (conflicts) for the general electorate.

The prime minister said generally and even internationally, ‘a word’ that slips out of a person’s mouth, can be used by different media to add the much-needed fuel to fire up news articles whereby the propagating agent which comprises broadcast, print, radio or television mediums gains incredible mileage with their readers, viewers, listeners.

This, the PM said would turn the process of politics (sid) to a process of conflicts (si). He advised that media should not cash in on opportunities like these just to up the readership, attract more listeners or to raise the TRP (Television Rating Points). Rather the respective mediums should take into account the kind of damages it could inflict on the country and act accordingly.

Lyonchhen reminded the media about the 2008 scene of things when the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) generated support bases in the constituencies.

The DPT according to him had not participated in any such deeds to malign the other side to make good one’s own side.

He said the DPT immediately after its election as the ruling government took measures to address and heal the after-effects of the politicking activities. The media, PM said should be well aware of these past events from its coverage from then.

An instance of one such incident back then was the party supporters who drove around DPT campaigning sites ‘shouting’ and ‘screaming’. Among such groups, there were people from the business communities.

“After the elections, as the government in power, the DPT did not discriminate these people as ‘those from the other side’ and treated them with equality,” the Lyonchhen said.

“The kind of political parties that the country needs are the ones that, during election campaigns does not act to create factions and leave people and communities divided, secondly when it comes to governance, it should function without any partiality or indifference to different people or sections of people and act with ‘equity and justice’ in their minds to uphold the peace and stability of the nation.”

The PM jokingly concluded that like the fortune teller who according to a BBS reporter predicted much of ‘si’ or conflict in 2013, he can also predict that there will be many people partaking in the process of ‘sid’ or the democratic election events.

“I hope and I don’t think any major conflicts (si) should come to pass,” said the Prime Minister.

And for that, said the PM, “media should act to ensure it.”

The article was published in a Saturday edition of The Bhutanese newspaper on March 16, 2013

Most definitely a game of chess pawns for the DPT and PDP in the final round

NA General Elections

The generals are wearing-thin the days as July 13 approaches on the political map where the primary round already left many holes for the two contending parties, Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), to repair in respective territories.

The parties both have enough under their arms to boast of, but the two sides are more caught-up in strategies to pump steam for the general election day.

At this juncture, transpirations are any soothsayers’ or the so-called political pundits’ domain, but with the ECB approving candidates to switch parties, a probable phenomenon of horse-trading may be on the agenda for the two parties contesting the general round of elections.

This, if mathematically interpreted in political terms, means that DPT and PDP stand to gain from the vote banks of DCT and DNT if they strategize exactly around and where they need to tie-up the loose ends.

At the same time, if the two parties or the new ones are to ‘keep the faith’ with the very unpredictable Bhutanese voters, they just might have to shine their good sides no matter what the stakes are.

In the primaries the former opposition party had claimed victory in 12 constituencies and the former ruling party won in 33 constituencies while a new party the Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa (DNT) claimed two constituencies.

The DPT received 93,949 votes (EVM 77,679, Postal Ballots 16,270) to win the elections; the PDP received 68,650 votes (EVM 55,021, Postal Ballots 13,629) to become the second party to compete for the general elections.

The two new parties Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa (DNT) and Druk Chirwang Tshogpa (DCT) received 35,962 votes (EVM 28,799, Postal Ballots 7,163) and 12,457 votes (EVM 11,576, Postal Ballots 881) respectively.

The final tabulations of results, it is no foresight that voters have not at all voted on the lines of gender neutrality or women empowerment.

Save for the DNT president who beat the rest of the parties with a huge difference in her constituency, Thrimshing in Trashigang, the same formula did not apply for the DCT president who could not hold her own among the North Thimphu candidates where the only male candidate among three women candidates took home the victory.

The DNT president Dorji Choden received 2,038 votes (EVM 1,316, Postal Ballot 722) to beat the rest of the party candidates. On the other hand the DCT president Lily Wangchhuk in her own constituency scored the least votes among the North Thimphu candidates, 144 in total from 133 EVM votes and 11 postal votes.

The DPT candidate Kinga Tshering scored highest in the women-heavy constituency with his 1,533 EVM votes and 142 postal votes which gave him a total of 1,675 votes.

The PDP candidate Sangay Tshoki received second highest number of votes with 1,338 (EVM 1226, Postal Ballot 112) while DNT’s Sangay Zam received 599 (EVM 564, Postal Ballot 35).

In another unlikely trend of events, the PDP swooped to snatch both constituencies from under what was thought to be a DPT domain in Wangduephodrang. Mostly, this little projection would be made because of the ongoing Punatsangchhu projects which accounts for developmental works that will hugely benefit the people and settlement in and around the site, and eventually the whole of the nation through the benefits that shall be reaped.

Simply put, the voters in this periphery were supposedly DPT-inclined, but things turned out differently.

The PDP scored an easy 2,759 (EVM 2358, Postal Ballot 401)in the Athang-Thedtsho constituency and 2,977 in Nyisho-Sephu constituency (EVM 2,643, Postal Ballot 334).

The DPT’s 2,977 (EVM 2643, Postal Ballot 334) in Athang-Thedtsho and 2,306 (EVM 2,073, Postal Ballot 233) conceded a natural defeat to the former opposition party’s votes.

In the Punakha constituencies where the former ruling party candidates in 2008 defeated PDP candidates in both constituencies of Kabji-Talo (where the former PDP president stood as candidate) and the Lingmukha-Toewang, this primary elections the DPT met with disappointment as it conceded defeat and lost both constituencies to its old rival PDP.

For the DPT and its Punakha candidates, the defeat in Punakha also comes as a double whammy as the former National Council (NC) Chairperson resigned from his post to compete as a party candidate while Sonam Wangyel Wang left his post at the Royal Education Council (REC) to compete politics under a DPT ticket.

The two DPT candidates had replaced Tshering Penjore and Namgay Wangchuk in the respective DPT turfs.

The former NC chairperson and REC Director received 613 (EVM 515, Postal Ballot 98) and 1,328 (EVM 1,151, Postal Ballot 177) votes respectively. The PDP candidates scored 2,663 (EVM 2,275, Postal Ballot 388) and 1,438 (EVM 1,136, Postal Ballot 302) votes to win in the constituencies.

Also in Haa, Bji-Katsho constituency where the DPT had fielded what it thought a veritably stronger and prominent candidate - there too it lost a constituency to the PDP. And without much of a pre-emption the DPT candidate in Sombaykha constituency (the former Opposition Leader’s constituency) lost.

In 2008, the DPT candidate of Bji-Katsho Ugyen Tenzin (now replaced by Dr Gado Tshering) secured a DPT win in the constituency while DPT candidate of then, Tshewang Rinzin (now replaced by Dago Tsheringla) in Sombaykha lost to Tshering Tobgay.

PDP candidate Tshering Tobgay received 1,346 (EVM 1,110, Postal Ballot 236) votes to defeat DPT Dago Tsheringla’s total votes of 390 from 326 EVM votes and 64 postal votes. While in Bji-Katsho DPT’s Dr Gado Tshering who received 836 votes (EVM 714, Postal Ballot 122) lost to PDP’s Kinley Om (1,313 total votes through EVM 1,115 and Postal Ballots 198).

The east except for Thrimshing in Trashigang, it was a DPT drive-by as it conquered one eastern dzongkhag after another.

The DPT lost a constituency to PDP in Bumthang while it lost two to PDP in Chukha.

In Bumthang Chumey-Ura constituency, the DPT received 787 total votes from its 617 EVM votes and 170 Postal votes whereas PDP beat its scores with 570 EVM votes and 91 postal votes which gave it a total of 661.

In Chukha, PDP trumped DPT scores with its 3,863 votes (EVM 3271, Postal Ballot 592) in Bongo-Chapcha and 1,769 votes (EVM 1,653, Postal Ballot 116) in Phuentsholing constituency. However, the DNT was the clear winner in the Phuentsholing constituency with its 1,807 EVM votes and 62 Postal Ballot votes which totals to 1,869 votes.

The article was published in a Wednesday edition of The Bhutanese on June 5, 2013

A macho upper house, not entirely a good deal

The outcomes of the recently concluded National Council (NC) elections have been a fairly sound and comforting bases for the second round ‘successfully-conducted’ by the Election Commission (ECB).

It has in the process ensured general thoroughfare for the young Bhutanese Democracy, in terms of its growth and health. Still, and all factors withstanding, the element of gender balance so fibrously addressed back at home under the GNH umbrella may have been bruised a bit, so to say.

In the recent elections five aspiring women NC candidates stood as contestants of which some were the former NC members. The women represented their respective constituencies from Chukha, Zhemgang, Wangduephodrang and Sarpang.

It would seem from the round-up of the conclusions to the second NC elections that the male tide of winning candidates swept clean all the seats of representation and the women got none. In all fairness of the democratically-conducted elections, dutifully attended by the nation’s voters who expressed the true messages in their hearts to choose capable and worthy representatives, a side of outlook that cannot be pushed aside is the all-male representation in the upper house.

The former national council representative of Zhemgang Pema Lhamo lost after securing 909 votes, the other woman contender Yeshey Tshomo lost with total 1,219 votes that top the second highest votes.

The incumbent NC representative of Chukha Tshewang Lhamu who secured 3,680 votes also lost the elections from her constituency. Another incumbent NC representative, the Wangduephodrang NC MP Sonam Yangchen lost with 3540 votes.

This in many expressed views could end-up in a linear decision making and policy discussions process or sessions, speaking strictly in terms of inclinations. That is the buzz in and around the contemplating and politicking minds as far as the upper house should be concerned.

The National Assembly (NA) election which is around the bend should perhaps see a better turnout for the female representation.

Not that, election should be structurally mapped to achieve a gender-friendly symmetry, but it is still an aspired objective in many countries, in the fields of decision makings which will eventually affect the masses as a whole which means, both the male and female ratio.

Elsewhere outside the country, even the European Commission has long recognized the need to promote gender balance in decision-making processes and positions and the European Commission is encouraging the process by various means.

The Women’s Charter adopted by the European Commission in March 2010 and the EU Strategy for Equality between Women (2010-2015) reaffirmed the European Commission’s commitment to work to increase the percentage of women in positions of responsibility.

The European Commission’s Network to promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy have even provided a platform at EU level for discussion of successful strategies and best practice to improve gender balance in decision-making positions.

The under-representation of women in many European parliaments is considered problematic from a Democratic and human rights perspective.

The importance of this is a familiar territory in the process of democracy outside Bhutan. Many states have taken steps to improve the representation of women.

According to an online literature titled ‘Gender Balance in EU Parliaments’, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women refers to the “critical mass” of 30 to 35% women’s participation. In addition, in 1995 the Beijing Process strove for 30% women’s parliamentary representation.

The European Parliament went further in a resolution of 18 January 2001, which refers to achieving a balanced gender representation of a minimum of 40% representation of each sex in parliament.

Some European parliaments are ranked among the top democracies in the world in this respect.


This article was printed in a Saturday edtiion of The Bhutanese newspaper on April 27, 2013